The Macedonian Atlantic Process

Ambassador Dr. Nano Ruzin

Head of the Mission of FYR Macedonia to NATO

Rome, Center for High Defense Studies, 25th September 2006

 

Why do you want to join the Alliance, and how will you contribute to the Euro-Atlantic architecture?
This was the question, which on the eve of the 2002 Summit the US Ambassador to NATO Nicholas Burns posed to each of the leaders of the ten countries-candidates for NATO membership of the so called Vilnius group.
The expected answer should be:
First of all, because of the acceptance and application of the Euro-Atlantic values;
Second: to elaborate the benefit for the Alliance of the future memberships of the new countries in exchange for the privileged membership status;
And third: to show the capacities to participate in NATO-operations.
In that moment, Macedonia, which just emerged form the crisis and still had on its territory the Alliance's peace forces, together with Albania and Croatia, was far from application of the standards imposed by the Alliance as preconditions for invitations for membership.
However, at the same time, Macedonia had already seven years of partnership status, three years of MAP and more than ten years of active pro-Atlantic NGOs behind.
  
Macedonia's pro-Atlantic process dates from the time of gaining independence (1991) when, in the absence of foreign-policy concept, the wise Bros' pupil and at the time President of the Republic of Macedonia, Kiro Gligorov opted for so called "policy of equi-distance", which was a worse version of the non-alignment policy.
At that time (1991/92) a group of young pro-Atlantic Macedonian intellectuals, among which the author of this text, thanks to the contacts with the Greek and Bulgarian Atlantic Treaty Associations (Theo Georgiu, Solomon Passi) was invited to take part at the ATA session in Anthalia. Soon members of the Macedonian Assembly established the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic Club.
In 1993 the Macedonian Assembly voted the Resolution on accession of the Republic of Macedonia to the North Atlantic Alliance. The Agreement on joining of the Republic of Macedonia the Partnership for Peace Program was signed in November 1995, which was the basis for getting closer to full NATO membership.
More than a decade passed from that moment, and the young democracy faced big geo-political challenges, on the regional as well as internal plan. Because of the unfavorable environment, like the war in former Yugoslavia, NATO intervention, or the problems with the southern neighbor on the name issue, Macedonia was often diagnosed as the weakest link in the Balkan unstable chain. It got the epithet of "the oases of peace" in spite of the unfavorable environment, which jeopardized its post-communist transition often putting the country in longer periods of isolation. At the same time, in the area of inter-ethnic relations, in spite of the higher level of democracy of the Macedonian Albanians in comparison to the Kosovo Albanians, Macedonian leaders in the period 1991-2001 didn't manage to establish a more just civil inter-ethnic society. The Albanians remained out of the state institutions, with no big local municipal responsibilities, without a University on their own language and without a feeling to live in a common state, which all led to the crisis in 2001.
 
With the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement in August 2001 comprehensive reforms were undertaken in the decentralization and in the equitable representation of the Albanians in all budgetary institutions, as well as the university institutions in Albanian language and use of the minority language where the minority is over 20% of the population. The aforementioned evolution of the state made the Macedonian model of inter-ethnic society more successful than the Dayton model. Macedonia found again its stability and security, and in that process there was an important role of the International Community, NATO, EU and OSCE.
It may seam surreal, but thanks to the crisis, the Republic of Macedonia made its way to the next NATO Enlargement easier, because the drastic national reforms were made effective also with a bigger assistance of the International Community and without bigger social disturbances, although in a normal context, every reform, especially on the Army would mean opposition by the powerful army lobby. Thanks to the reforms in the Army, which was reduced from 25.000 to 7.300 professional soldiers, the reserve from 60.000 to 2.500 and with a defense budget of 2,3%-2,6%, and complete professionalisation, the Republic of Macedonia is a leader in the defense reforms in the Western Balkans.
 
Macedonia, Albania and Croatia, together with the USA signed the Adriatic Charter, after the example of the Baltic Charter, in order to, through meetings and exchange of experience, make the integration to NATO easier. Although this lobby-group is not institutionalized and for the Alliance it has informal character, it played very important role in the Balkans, inviting to its meetings Serbia and Monte Negro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Adriatic Charter supports their partnership status and at the same time it strengthens the regional security and cooperation.
Macedonia has become a huge exporter of stability, in the Region but also in the international peace missions in Afghanistan, Iraq and Bosnia and Herzegovina. It plays a very constructive role in the "Kosovo process" and, as the US Ambassador to NATO Victoria Nuland pointed out, "the Republic of Macedonia became a (small/little) Balkan miracle. From a security consumer, it has become a security exporter/producer/provider in the neighborhood and in the world.. the citizens of Macedonia should show to their brothers Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo how to live in a multi-ethnic society.. the example of Macedonia is not only an example for the Balkans but also wider, for all the peoples of different cultures and religions where there are conflicts...".
 
On the eve of the Riga Summit the A3 countries expect a new conceptual approach to the Enlargement of the Alliance announced for 2008. The aspirants are aware that the Enlargement of the Alliance is a historic success in promotion of the democratic reforms and that in the forthcoming two years the countries who make the necessary progress will be invited to join the Alliance.
Optimistic and pessimistic scenarios aside, the A3 countries expect that after the invitations and the accession process, in 2009 to take part at the Washington Summit as full member states. At the same time, it is expected that by the end of 2006 the remaining Balkan countries (Serbia, Monte Negro and Bosnia and Herzegovina) to be invited to join the Partnership for Peace. The day when the whole Balkans will become a part of the Alliance and the whole security structure of Europe with perspectives for membership in the Alliance - is not far away.

 

 
 
 

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